Mohamed Shareef Asees
Introduction: A Nation at a Crossroads
When President Anura Kumara Dissanayake assumed office in November 2024, Sri Lanka stood at a critical juncture. The island nation, rocked by economic collapse, political instability, and social unrest over recent years, looked to its new leadership with a mix of cautious hope and pressing demands. Leading the National People’s Power (NPP) coalition, Dissanayake brought promises of radical reform—chief among them, a sweeping anti-corruption drive designed to uproot decades of entrenched graft that has stifled development and eroded public trust. But deep-rooted corruption is no simple beast to tame. The new government faces a complex web of political, institutional, and societal challenges. The question remains: can this leadership seize the moment to dismantle the culture of impunity and rebuild governance on a foundation of transparency and accountability? Early indicators since November 2024 reveal both encouraging steps and formidable obstacles ahead.
The Weight of History: Why Fighting Corruption is Now a National Imperative
Corruption in Sri Lanka is a long-standing issue, embedded in political patronage networks and bureaucratic opacity. Efforts to tackle corruption historically oscillated between high-profile commissions and reforms that ultimately failed to produce lasting change. The 2022 economic crisis, triggered in part by fiscal mismanagement and corruption scandals, laid bare the scale of systemic rot—triggering mass protests and a profound loss of faith in the state. This crisis was a wake-up call. Corruption was no longer an abstract political problem; it had become a daily reality undermining livelihoods, infrastructure, and the rule of law. As voters went to the polls in 2024, many cast ballots not merely for a party but for the promise of a new social contract based on integrity. The NPP’s victory was a mandate for reform and a repudiation of the old order. Yet fulfilling that mandate means confronting powerful elites, entrenched interests, and sometimes reluctant institutions.
The New Government’s Anti-Corruption Agenda: November 2024 Onwards
Right after taking office, the new leadership moved quickly. President Dissanayake’s government launched a multi-pronged anti-corruption campaign built around three main pillars: strengthening laws and institutions, leveraging digital tools, and pursuing high-profile investigations
Strengthening the Legal Framework
One of the administration’s first moves was to empower the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC). In December 2024, Parliament passed an important amendment to the Anti-Corruption Act. The changes expanded CIABOC’s powers to conduct surprise audits and freeze assets even before investigations conclude. This legislation also introduced whistleblower protections to encourage insiders to come forward without fear, and made digital asset declarations mandatory for all public officials—a critical step toward greater transparency. Civil society groups quickly hailed these reforms as a “game changer” for anti-corruption efforts, with many calling the amendments the strongest legal framework Sri Lanka has seen in years. A specialized Anti-Corruption Tribunal was also set up, aiming to speed up trials that had long been bogged down in courts.
Digital Governance: Transparency through Technology
The new administration views digital transformation as a critical tool to reduce corruption. Building on existing e-governance initiatives, the government accelerated the rollout of digital platforms that minimize human discretion and face-to-face interactions in public services.
For example:
* The GovPay system, launched nationwide in early 2025, has digitalized payments for public services, licensing, and permits. Early reports indicate a significant reduction in petty bribery linked to manual payment processes (Sri Lanka Ministry of Digital Infrastructure, 2025).
* A new Public Procurement Portal was launched in March 2025 to enable real-time public monitoring of government contracts and tenders, making it harder to manipulate procurement processes.
* The Open Data Initiative, announced in February 2025, commits to regularly publishing government spending and asset disclosures online, inviting public scrutiny and media oversight.
These digital tools, if fully implemented and accessible, could transform governance culture and limit opportunities for corruption at multiple levels.
High-Profile Investigations and Asset Recovery
Perhaps the most visible indicator of the government’s anti-corruption resolve has been its willingness to pursue high-profile investigations. Since November 2024:
* Multiple ongoing probes into the Central Bank bond scandal have been fast-tracked, resulting in arrests and indictments of key former officials and financiers.
* Investigations into COVID-19 procurement irregularities uncovered millions of dollars in misappropriated funds, leading to asset freezes and legal actions.
* The government also revived probes into several state-owned enterprises with suspicious financial practices, signaling an intent to hold powerful players accountable.
Complementing investigations is an enhanced focus on asset recovery. Sri Lanka has reactivated its Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) and is working closely with international partners such as the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) to trace and repatriate illicit assets stashed abroad (UNODC, 2025).
Early Results and Public Response
More than six months into the new government’s tenure, signs of progress are mixed but encouraging.
* Transparency International Sri Lanka’s mid-2025 survey shows a slight improvement in public perception of government integrity, with 43% of respondents expressing increased trust compared to just 28% before November 2024 (TI Sri Lanka, 2025).
* The number of corruption cases filed in courts has nearly doubled compared to the previous year, a positive signal that enforcement is gaining momentum.
* Public engagement platforms report rising numbers of whistleblower complaints, indicating growing confidence in protection mechanisms.
However, critics caution that real reform must go beyond rhetoric and initial arrests. Institutional capacity gaps remain a serious obstacle. The judiciary’s case backlog continues to grow, and many cases languish without resolution. There are concerns about selective prosecution and political interference, especially when high-profile individuals with close ties to political factions are involved (ICJ Sri Lanka, 2025).
Major Challenges Ahead: Political Resistance and Entrenched Interests
Despite the government’s bold rhetoric, powerful interests embedded within political, business, and bureaucratic circles still exert influence. Many argue that long-standing networks of patronage cannot be dismantled overnight without risking political instability. Factions within the ruling coalition occasionally clash over the pace and scope of reforms, reflecting ongoing negotiations between reformist and conservative elements.
Capacity Constraints
Sri Lanka’s anti-corruption agencies continue to suffer from underfunding and human resource shortages. Specialized skills in forensic auditing, cyber investigations, and financial intelligence are still in short supply, limiting the scope of investigations. Donor agencies and international partners are engaged in ongoing efforts to build capacity, but these efforts require sustained political support and resources.
Public Expectations vs. Slow Pace
Public frustration remains palpable. While many welcome government efforts, impatience is growing over the slow pace of systemic reform and high-profile prosecutions. Civil society groups continue to pressure the government for greater transparency and faster judicial processes.
The Role of Civil Society and International Partners
Sri Lanka’s reform prospects are closely linked to active public participation and international cooperation.
* Civil society organizations have strengthened their role as independent watchdogs, collaborating with government agencies to monitor procurement, judicial proceedings, and asset declarations.
* International donors and multilateral institutions such as the IMF and World Bank have incorporated governance and anti-corruption benchmarks into their funding programs, providing both resources and incentives for reform.
* Sri Lanka’s recent re-engagement with the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and compliance with global anti-money laundering standards have increased international scrutiny and support, crucial for curbing cross-border corruption and illicit financial flows.
Conclusion: A Fragile but Hopeful Turning Point
The new government’s anti-corruption drive, launched with significant momentum since November 2024, marks one of the most determined efforts Sri Lanka has seen in years. Through legislative reforms, digital governance, and high-profile investigations, the administration is laying critical foundations for a cleaner, more transparent public sector. Yet, entrenched interests, institutional weaknesses, and political complexities pose ongoing challenges. The road ahead requires steady political will, capacity building, and sustained public engagement. If Sri Lanka can maintain this momentum and translate reform rhetoric into visible outcomes, the nation stands a real chance of turning the tide against corruption. The coming years will be a crucial test for the new leadership — one that could redefine Sri Lanka’s governance and restore citizens’ trust in their institutions.
References
Parliament of Sri Lanka, Anti-Corruption Act Amendments, December 2024.
Transparency International Sri Lanka, Corruption Perception Survey, June 2025.
International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) Sri Lanka, Challenges in Anti-Corruption Enforcement, 2025.
Sri Lanka Ministry of Digital Infrastructure, GovPay and E-Governance Report, March 2025.
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Sri Lanka Asset Recovery Initiatives, 2025.
National People’s Power (NPP) Manifesto, 2024.
IMF, Sri Lanka Country Report, 2025.
*Dr. Mohamed Shareef Asees is a Sri Lankan political scientist and peace researcher. He holds an MA and PhD from Japan and has taught political science and conflict studies in Sri Lanka, Japan, Qatar, and Germany.
