By Siri Gamage –

Dr. Siri Gamage
Recent natural disasters in Sri Lanka—cyclones, floods, and landslides—have exposed significant weaknesses in the public administration system, particularly at district and sub-district levels. The difficulties in coordinating emergency responses and restoring essential services have highlighted the limitations of the existing administrative structure.
Gaps Exposed by the Disaster Response
Although the government relied on its established hierarchy—from ministry secretaries to provincial, district and local officials—many shortcomings became visible. Officers from line ministries work alongside Government Agent (GA) and Divisional Secretariat offices, supported by networks of Grama Seva Niladharis (GSNs). Yet the response across regions varied widely.
A troubling example involves a locality where one group, largely from a specific ethnic background, received timely aid while a neighbouring area received nothing. Even after the problem was reported, assistance has not materialised. Though GSNs have begun collecting details to provide the Rs. 25,000 relief payment, the slow pace of the bureaucracy has left affected families relying on personal networks for help.
A Semi-Colonial Administrative Legacy
Sri Lanka’s public administration still carries structural and cultural features inherited from the colonial era, especially its rigid, top-down approach. Decades ago, the late Prof. Wiswa Warnapala conducted an in-depth study of this system, but little recent scholarly work has examined its relevance or effectiveness for today’s needs.
It is likely that current government authorities themselves recognise the system’s inefficiencies and are considering reforms.
A Need for System-Wide Review
Given the shortcomings revealed during the recent disasters, it would be timely for the government to appoint a committee of experts to review the system’s performance. Such a review should assess both disaster response capability and the system’s overall suitability for serving the public in a rapidly changing society.
Sri Lanka’s aspiration to build a “beautiful country” cannot be realised with an administrative structure overly focused on book-keeping rather than people-centred service delivery.
Challenges Faced at the Grama Niladhari Level
The Grama Seva Niladhari office is the closest arm of the state to the public, yet many GSN offices lack basic facilities such as photocopying and transport. A single officer is expected to manage a large area, which becomes nearly impossible during times of crisis.
People’s time is extremely limited. Most cannot afford multiple trips to district offices—or worse, to Colombo—for simple administrative tasks. Issues of transport, work commitments, and schooling make long waits and repeated visits impractical and burdensome.
Lack of Coordination Among Agencies
Obtaining services often requires interaction with multiple agencies, but coordination among them remains weak. This results in delays, duplication, and public frustration.
Lessons from the Australian Model
Countries like Australia provide examples of modern, decentralised public service delivery. State governments operate well-resourced Service Centres—one-stop shops offering a range of services including motor registration. Many services are available online, and customers are served through an efficient ticketing system.
Decision-making authority is decentralised. Local officers can process and finalise many requests without referring everything to head office. Monthly reporting ensures accountability without delaying service.
These centres can be contacted by phone for information, and cases are not endlessly transferred from officer to officer. Members of Parliament also maintain offices in their electorates, giving citizens direct access to their representatives.
The Case for Decentralisation and Modernisation
To move forward, Sri Lanka must modernise its public administration system by decentralising powers and strengthening local decision-making. Applying contemporary customer-service principles and improving digital access will help make the system more efficient and responsive.
The semi-colonial administrative framework must be reformed so that it serves people—not the other way around.
Conclusion
Sri Lanka stands at a turning point. The recent natural disasters have revealed serious shortcomings in the public administration system. Meaningful reform—especially decentralisation to the sub-district level—is essential if the country is to build an administration that is efficient, fair, and capable of meeting the needs of a modern society.
Ajith / December 13, 2025
“Sri Lanka stands at a turning point. The recent natural disasters have revealed serious shortcomings in the public administration system. Meaningful reform—especially decentralisation to the sub-district level—is essential if the country is to build an administration that is efficient, fair, and capable of meeting the needs of a modern society.”
The word “decentralisation of power” is no different to devolution of power” which is a word is a venom for Buddhist Sinhala racism which ruled since 1948. Even now NPP is ruled by this venom. they are not prepared to share the power either they are afraid of Buddhist extremism or they do not like decentralisation.
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SebastianSR / December 15, 2025
““decentralisation of power” is no different to devolution of power” which is a word is a venom for Buddhist Sinhala racism
It is a venom word for Tamil Nationalists as well. Tamil leaders like SJV, Navaratnam, EMVN, Amirthalingam, of coursse Anton Balasingham and Prabhakaran completely reject devolution of power, demanded “self determination”, exclusive Tamil Homelands. INDIA and JR tried forced devolution even using the IPKF, this was rejected with force. Tamil leaders insited fully armed self determination. All peace talks, Thimpu to 2006 failed with insitance on being armed. Premadasa helped Prabha to drive out the IPKF and offered a full devolition package, with ACMHameed as the intermediate. As a goodwill gesture Premadasa asked police officers to surrender to the LTTE. Prabha reneged and killed 700 cops, and eventually blew up Premadasa too as he remained open to devolution. After all that, the Oslo peace talks offred strong Federalism but Prabha rejected it. Neelan Thiruchlevam drew up far reaching devolution and Neelan was blown up. Post prabhakaran, the first chief minster of NCP, Wigneswaran has insited on “self determination”, not devolution. Tamil leaders since Vaddukkodai meant, devolution = keeping own army !
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SJ / December 16, 2025
“decentralisation of power” is no different to devolution of power”
Please check with a proper dictionary of political terms.
It is easier than debating with me.
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