By Vishwamithra –

“The bravest are surely those who have the clearest vision of what is before them, glory and danger alike, and yet notwithstanding, go out to meet it.” ~ Thucydides

The country began a journey of correction and transformation after the election of AKD as President and the NPP as the ruling majority in the government. That journey essentially consisted of an odyssey towards a perfect society. Perfection may be a hard-to-achieve object. Yet its pursuit cannot be hindered by its own pioneers. The most telling question that begs an answer is whether AKD and his Cabinet of Ministers have the courage to take timely corrective measures.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake | Photo PMD

In the past, major elections in Ceylon/Sri Lanka indicate that a significant, often deciding feature is the voters’ assessment of which party will best manage the economy and improve household financial strength. There is no going back from this fundamental premise. Since its shift toward a state-led, socialist-leaning economy in 1956, Sri Lanka has experienced severe economic volatility. Throughout this period, ruling parties have frequently maintained power by relying on heavy welfare and subsidy-based platform promises, which—despite contributing to the country’s economic faltering—have continually proven pivotal in swaying the electorate. The election of Anura Kumara Dissanayake as President and the National People’s Power (NPP) as the ruling majority in Parliament, is no exception to the global trend of punishing the incumbent.

But the context changed radically in the first two decades of the 21^st century. The rise of the Rajapaksas introduced a strong, centralized, and often authoritarian populist style based on Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism, frequently using populist rhetoric and nepotism. The Opposition, particularly under Ranil Wickremesinghe, was disorganized, ineffective, or, in some cases, seen as implicitly cooperating with the government, making them appear “forgettable” to voters. Their combined impact—the dominant ruling family and the weak opposition—helped create the conditions for the 2022 economic crisis and the subsequent Aragalaya-22 movement, which ultimately sought a system change.

While Ranil Wickremesinghe’s opposition role was often criticized, he later took over the Presidency in 2022 with the support of the Rajapaksa-led SLPP party, which many saw as a convergence of the old political elite rather than just an “opposition” role. Many voters eventually viewed this “paradigm” not as a sustainable new system, but as a dysfunctional one that prompted the demand for a total change, leading to the rise of new political forces like the NPP/JVP. It aligns with the view that the traditional political class in Sri Lanka (both the Rajapaksas and the mainstream opposition) was responsible for a major shift in the country’s political culture.

But the shelf life the voters’ memory is unfortunately short- it is the human condition. If it was relevant in the case of the Rajapaksas and the Wickremasinghes, so is it with AKD and the NPP.  Based on the political context in Sri Lanka as of early 2026, one can certainly deduce, as it reflects a growing viewpoint regarding political accountability and the evolution of Aragalaya-22‘s mandate.

As the National People’s Power (NPP) government under Anura Kumara Dissanayake focuses on prosecuting former leaders for corruption and misgovernance, observers and critics are increasingly applying the same standards of accountability to the current administration’s actions, such as the management of economic crises or potential new scandals. Proponents of this view argue that if the ‘people’s victory’ against the old guard was based on holding leaders responsible for public fraud, then the new administration must adhere to the same accountability standards to maintain its legitimacy, as noted in commentaries regarding the ‘400 files’ and the ‘old order’ collapsing. The narrative suggests that political accountability is no longer a tool against one camp but a standard for all, meaning that if previous officials were deemed unfit, the same criteria apply to new officials accused of errors, such as those related to Treasury appointments.

However, some may argue that the magnitude of corruption under previous regimes is not comparable to the current government’s early challenges. The argument is essentially a call for consistency in holding public officials responsible, regardless of their political affiliation, as discussed in. Magnitude as a defining measure is not valid under any circumstances; the NPP representatives dominated the per-election era political platforms as puritanical messiahs.

Convergence of visibly diverse socioeconomic and cultural strata for one single cause was not possible prior to Aragalaya-22. However, the 2022 movement was unique in Sri Lanka’s post-independence history precisely because it brought together diverse socioeconomic and cultural groups under a single cause (“Go Home Gota”) in a way that was unprecedented, especially considering the country’s history of ethnic division.

Aragalaya-22 successfully united different communities across regional, ethnic, and religious lines—Sinhalese from the South, Tamils and Muslims from the North and East—which had been historically divided. It brought together the urban middle class (who were previously insulated from the economic hardships) with the rural working class and farmers, who were hit hardest by the economic crisis, in a rare display of solidarity.  The protest was initially seen as an organic, non-party-affiliated movement. It was not organized by traditional political parties, but rather by the general public, including professionals, students, and artists. The movement moved beyond immediate economic grievances (shortages of fuel, food, gas) to demand a complete overhaul of the corrupt political system and the removal of the Rajapaksa family from power.

Yet, while the convergence was unprecedented, it had limitations: The broad unity lasted only for a few months, with the movement fracturing after Gotahaya Rajapaksa resigned and Ranil Wickremesinghe took over. While solidarity was shown, some analyses indicate that participation from the North and East remained relatively lower, partly due to lingering mistrust of majoritarian politics.

Many in the middle class disengaged when the movement faced severe state repression and the focus shifted from just ousting the President to more radical system change. Aragalaya-22 achieved a level of social cohesion and collective action across diverse strata that had not been achieved before. The election brought hope, but such a social dynamic cannot be sustained unless the succeeding powers adhere doggedly to the changes that were promised. After being in power for more than one and half years, the NPP government has not shown the public that it has the stamina nor the wherewithal to endure the vagaries of global sociopolitical  onslaughts.

While the NPP government excels at attacking the opposition’s past, voters are now focusing on whether their election pledges are being delivered. Iran-America war is one subject the average voter in a remote hamlet would pay sparse attention to. Local, pocketbook, or community issues often outweigh foreign policy concerns for many rural voters. While fertilizer price hikes or its short supply are often a more devastating, long-term threat to a farmer’s profitability, petrol and diesel price hikes do directly and immediately affect them.

Based on the current 2026 economic landscape, diesel is vital for day-to-day farming—powering tractors, irrigation pumps, and transporting goods. A surge in oil prices immediately increases the cost of field operations. In many cases, it makes irrigation and harvesting more expensive instantly, not to mention the adverse effects in the paddy mills operations.

Rising grocery prices could affect the urban sector more adversely, potentially pushing costs to an unbearable level. The moving wheels of Aragalaya-22 are being subjected to a new level of testing, and the promises made and pledges delivered might soon turn into political boomerangs. How can the promise of Aragalaya-22 be sacrificed? The glory that was celebrated after the ouster of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa should not be denied to its own architects.

Forgive me for repeating the first paragraph of this column: The country began a journey of correction and transformation after the election of AKD as President and the NPP as the ruling majority in the government. That journey essentially consisted of an odyssey towards a perfect society. Perfection may be a hard-to-achieve object. Yet its pursuit cannot be hindered by its own pioneers. The most telling question that begs an answer is whether AKD and his Cabinet of Ministers have the courage to take timely corrective measures.

The glory of Aragalaya-22 should not be denied.

*The writer can be reached at vishwamithra1984@gmail.com