22 April, 2024


Reconciliation, Identity & Security: Pact For Postwar Political Reconciliation

By Dayan Jayatilleka –

Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka

Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka

Like President JR Jayewardene before him, President Rajapaksa will win the (re) election and lose the crisis. In these days when ‘homespun’ is all the rage, one may well resort to the Sinhalese saying “do not fall in broad daylight, into the pit one plunged into at night”.  The Rajapaksa regime is about to take a long jump in broad daylight into the same pit that his most illustrious predecessor President Jayewardene plunged into at night as it were, in the 1980s, culminating in the traumatic events of 1987.

How does one define political reconciliation in Sri Lanka? I regard it as the problem of the reconciliation of collective political identities in a manner that permits a larger, shared political identity to be negotiated or evolve.

That definition was the easy part. The effort at political reconciliation must take place on the terrain of reality, not of abstract concepts or ideologies. How does one define reality? Reality in this case denotes the realities of power relations, which in turn derive from and reflect, in some considerable measure, external and domestic geopolitical realities. This must be the framework, parametric more than prescriptive, of the discussion.

The unreality and unreason of the Sri Lankan discourse, in both its (state/govt) policy and (civil society) critical commentary manifestations, never ceases to amaze me. Reading the opinions on political reconciliation and the obstacles to such, in the commentary on the fifth anniversary of the end of war, I am struck by the representatives or ideologues of the Sri Lankan state who take up postures which ignore that we are vulnerably located in a uni-polar South Asian region and on the doorstep of the pre-eminent (or hegemonic) regional power. I am similarly struck by the number of holders of postgraduate degrees as well as aspirants to them, who are able to pontificate confidently on what needs to be done in and by Sri Lanka, without mentioning, still less taking into very serious account, the factor of a 300,000 (Plus) strong battle-hardened military. These errors have tragic antecedents.

In the 1980s, the arrogant pro-western UNP elite underestimated India and wound up with intervention which triggered a bloodbath in the South. Earlier, in the post independence years, its precursor, the pro-Western Ceylonese elite was completely blind to the newly emergent social forces until they took the form of the Pancha Maha Balavegaya in 1955-’56, displaced the old elite and established their durable dominance. Today the military is the most important new social — and electoral—force, or the armed vanguard of the Pancha Maha Balavegaya.

I find any discussion with strategic implications, be they external relations, ethnic or electoral, which does not factor in (a) the Indian state and (b) the victorious post-war Sri Lankan military, except to bewail and bemoan either ‘external interference’ or ‘militarisation’, to be a waste of time and indicative of the vacuum of serious thinking, analysis and intellection in general that characterizes Sri Lanka today, unlike in the first four or five decades after Independence. Both errors stem from the same root: absence of Realism which in turn represents an insufficiency of Reason, of rationality, since a rational analysis would yield a realistic assessment and conclusions.

Any discussion on political reconciliation must start with its post-war nature. The subject is post-war political reconciliation, which indicates that the experience and outcome of the war cannot be wished away. Any post-war reconciliation formula must reflect the post-war realities as well as the larger ones in the region and the world outside.

At the risk of reductionism, I would assert that a meaningful discussion of the roadmap for post-war political reconciliation in Sri Lanka must have as its nodal point, the intersection of the strategic and security interests of the Sri Lankan and Indian States. Put slightly differently, the strategic and security interests of the Sri Lankan and Indian states must constitute the basic parameters of the discussion of political reconciliation. Those are the boundaries of the roadmap for reconciliation. The discussion and resultant formula must be lie within those boundaries. Beyond them lies bloodshed and tragedy.

What follows is my attempt to find a formula for political reconciliation which may lie within those parameters.

Is there perspective which could accommodate the principles of democracy, non-discrimination and non-domination, reconciling realism with fair play in a new, post-war Social Contract? Perhaps the inspiration could come from common corporate practices, those of shareholding and partnerships, or the concept of ‘multi-stakeholderism’ most recently popularised by Brazil’s President Dilma Rousseff (in the global discussions on an alternative internet).

The Sri Lankan state and society must be re-envisioned, not as Sinhala-Buddhist or Sinhala Buddhist dominated, but as a multi-stakeholder partnership between all of the island’s constituent communities. The Sinhala nationalist notion of monopoly of power and decision making must be eschewed in favour of the recognition that there are stakeholders and they are multiple, with the Sinhala Buddhist being one such. These multiple stakeholders are placed on the same plane and an equal footing, but it does not mean that each has equally-sized stake in state power.

A majority shareholder and a minority shareholder are neither equals nor in a hierarchical relationship of domination and subordination. A minority shareholder cannot expect to be equal to the majority shareholder in terms of decision making, but the fact that there are minority shareholders does not place them on a lower plane. The majority and minority shareholders are treated with equal respect but have unequal decision-making weight around a common, shared table.  Inequality in a horizontal relationship does not mean the relationship is a vertical one.

Partnerships are often unequal but that does not mean a partnership is between a super-ordinate and a subordinate.

In the first place inequality is not at the level of the individual: neither the majority shareholder/partner nor the minority shareholder/junior partners are superior or inferior as citizens, still less human beings. Sinhalese and Tamils must have equal rights and equal treatment as individual citizens.

In the second place, even in a collective sense i.e. as communities, political inequality does not necessarily mean and must therefore not be taken to mean political or social domination and subordination.

The nationalist Sinhalese, especially the Sinhala Buddhists, seem to believe that their superiority in numbers entitles them not merely to a larger share in decision making around the table but to a two tiered structure in which the Tamils either hold inferior shares or none at all.

The Tamils feel that mere admission of the reality of minority shareholding will doom them to an inferior status. Therefore, irrespective of the vast asymmetry of numbers they should wield an equal share of power and decision-making as the majority shareholders.

The Tamils are willing to be partners only on the basis of complete equality while the Sinhalese Buddhists believe themselves to be entitled due to their arithmetical superiority to a superiority of status which Tamils, Muslims and Christians must reconcile and subordinate themselves to.

Both the Sinhalese and Tamils conflate majority with superiority and minority with inferiority. Both confuse the horizontal and the vertical, the social with the political. Neither has a democratic notion of partnership. A co-pilot is not the absolute equal of the pilot in his role and function, but is in no way dominated or discriminated against by virtue of the role and status. A minority shareholder is not by any definition marginalised by that status; nor must she be made to feel so or feel herself to be so. Similarly, the struggle against marginality and marginalization cannot be a project to equalise the unequal; to regard a minority as a majority, or a majority as a minority. The South African whites cannot as a community regard themselves as the political equal of South African blacks (the post-apartheid South African Constitution-makers rejected federalism), while they are certainly equal citizens of the new South Africa. As in the case of the US Civil Rights movement, the fight against discrimination and marginality is a fight for integration as equal citizens— not ‘back to Africa’ or ‘self determination for the Black Belt’ (the contiguous states in the US with a black majority).

Imagine the Sri Lankan state as a circle. That circle has a centre. The Sinhalese Buddhists, by virtue of being the arithmetical majority, must not be placed closer to the centre of the circle than the Tamils, Muslims or Christians, simply because they are minorities. The problem has been that the Sinhalese nationalists conceive of the state not as a single circle with a single centre, but as a series of concentric circles in which they are closer the centre than the ethnic and religious minorities. It must also be recognised that though there must be equidistance between the centre of state power and policy making and all the communities of Sri Lanka, i.e. while the radius remains constant, the size of the slice or share of seats that each community occupies will be proportional to their democratic electoral representation and ultimately their demographic weight. Thus equidistance from power/to power there must be, but equidistance does not mean equal shares of power, just as an unequal share of power does not mean difference in distance from the System’s centre.

Historical realism indicates that after a Thirty Years War which culminated in a dramatic and decisive victory, the Sri Lankan military has also to be recognised as a legitimate stakeholder in the state and the decision-making process. The danger which must be resisted and rolled-back, is the granting of a golden share to the military, thereby encroaching on and shrinking the sphere of sovereignty of the democratically elected civilian leadership.

Verticality does come in, but not between the communities. Verticality is pertinent as a power relationship between the centre and the periphery. While the periphery must have irreducible autonomous political space, the autonomous periphery cannot be placed on the same level of equality as the centre. There are two reasons for this.

Firstly the centre represents the whole while the periphery represents the part, and the latter must not be placed on the same plane as the former. This is especially so when there is an executive president elected directly by the citizens of the country as a whole, which gives the office a more inclusive and representative mandate, a much broader degree of popular consent of the citizenry and therefore a higher degree of legitimacy than an elected regional or provincial assembly.

Secondly the centre is the seat, the engine and the guarantee of the centripetal, which must take precedence over the centrifugal.  The geopolitical realities are that the Scottish, the Quebecois and the Catalans do not have vast numbers of co-ethnics next door (unlike the Tamils of Sri Lanka’s North and East) while English and Spanish are spoken not only by ethnic natives in their mother countries (as is Sinhala)!  Furthermore the Sinhalese cannot afford to abolish the strong executive presidency, convert to de jure or de facto federal arrangements, recognise ‘internal self determination’, permit referenda on separation and live in a permanent state of collective angst.

The New (Post-war) Social Contract must be based on the following platform or pillars: (A) zero tolerance not merely of terrorism but also secessionism (B) the complete elimination of discrimination by the legal and constitutional implementation of the UN Durban Declaration and Programme of Action against Racism, Racial Intolerance, Xenophobia and Related Forms of Intolerance (C) a horizontal relationship between the constituent communities of Sri Lanka; one of democratic multi-stakeholder partnership (D) an irreducible measure of provincial autonomy.

*Dr Jayatilleka was Chairperson/Rapporteur of the Intergovernmental Working Group on the Effective Implementation of the United Nations’ Durban Declaration & Programme of Action against Racism, Racial Intolerance, Xenophobia and Related Forms of Intolerance (2008-2009). He was a Minister in the first Cabinet of the North-East Provincial Council in 1988-89, created by the 13th amendment (1988) following the Indo-Lanka accord of 1987.

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Latest comments

  • 4

    At present for each 20 govt positions in the NP there are 20,000 applicants. Conversely, there are 20,000 laborer jobs but no takers.

    The equality thing I think is a kind of a equal access to govt positions by Jaffna Tamils who are otherwise will be forced to work in blue collar work. Its a result of the Jaffna caste system. The job demand exceed supply.

    With 1970s baby boomers generation and world food shortage the SLFP thought the answer was in shutting down the economy and take over profit making industries and run it by Marxist lunatics. Oh what a mistake that was! The professional jobs became non-existent and people were queuing up for even staples. This made things worse and the rest is history.

    Buddhism should continue to given state patronage. The Vatican state gives patronage to Catholics and it runs tentacles the world over. Same with Islam, Hindus and Anglican. The SL State must act as a power equalizer as well as take on the role of custodian.

    Equality, certainly yes – access to state and its resources.

    • 3


      “there are 20,000 laborer jobs but no takers.”

      How did you create these jobs, with a magic wand?

      What are perks and pay come with these labourer jobs. Do they get a living wage?

      Why aren’t you applying for the same?

      • 0


        50,000 homes being built and multiple infrastructure projects there is a scarcity of lobour according Point Pedro Institute of development.

        One must train and develop skills to fill vacancies in demand isn’t it? Most of them have a Diploma in fishing. I suppose there is so much fishing Jaffna can do.

  • 5

    There is only one person who can easily beat MaRa and bring Srilanka back to good books of the world is Kumar Sangakara.


    • 0

      What about Muralitharan? Im sure he is a better choice. But the question is whether the BBS and Ravaya fellows allow it. Also, the racist Sinhala majority who are now power driven by that Virathu fellow in Myanmar.

    • 0

      So you think, holding the majority of 225 MPs together and get their vote to pass bills in parliament and at the same time keep their egos in check to project a stable government while the opposition that look for ways to drive a knife behind the back is easy as winning a cricket match with eleven players who is determined to win the game.

  • 8

    This guy is talking about a home grown Sinhala Buddhist concoction for the Sri Lankan state that is not accepted as a norm anywhere in the world.

    This is another veiled attempt to continue the Sinhala Buddhist hegemony all over the island.

  • 6

    Dayan seems to be talking illogical crap to confound the ethnic problem and how it came about historically. His logic is so convoluted to confuse the reader to accept his view as valid and fair. Bull crap!

    Our ancestors (both Sinhalese and Tamil) before the advent of the British rule of the island had a practical solution to the problem: Two Sinhala states and a Tamil state. These states were stable except for brief periods.

    Now after the British put them together and left the island in the hands of the Sinhalese, Dayan, a spokesman for the Sinhalese, talks about minorities and majorities and ranaviru realities. Why put the murderous, rapist ranaviru in the North and East to take over the land and change the demography that existed for 3 millenniums?

    It’s for Britain, India and the US to determine that after all what was stable historically may have to come true again: May be in the form of a full fledged federal system to please the Sinhalese ego.

  • 8

    By defining the parameters of the problem to include the ‘300,000 Sinhala army / ‘the armed vanguard of the Pancha Maha Balavegaya’ Dayan has conveniently ensured that the ‘realist / rational’ solution is a sinhala nationalist solution. Another self-referencing, self fulfilling sinhala nationalist diatribe. I don’t really thing the international community or the Indian power house to the North care about the Sinhala army.

    • 2

      I didn’t see any talk about the reality of a stronger, victorious Army after the JVP was crushed in 1989. Premadasa retained effective control of the military.

      The Rajapaksa regime has tight control of the SLA via Gota. Their reluctance to downsize the military after the war is rooted in their desire to use it as a tool for their own goals; the claim that they can’t just lay off newly recruited soldiers is a red-herring–downsizing can be accomplished by reducing the number of new recruits while there is attrition, voluntary retirement as well as incentives for early retirement for older soldiers).

      And if one is going to talk about the reality of the new military along with the Indian factor, then the reality of the fairly wealthy, politically active Tamil Diaspora cannot be wished away either.

    • 1

      I fully endorse your viewpoint!
      DJ is writing more and more rubbish. The 100 percent Sinhala army is only a cardboard Caeser!
      Sengodan. M

      • 0


        It is more likely the armed forces have become a post-war ‘White Elephant’, the government is unable to feed adequately. As highlighted in Tisaranee Gunasekara’s current article, the government has en stopped paying salaries for the soldiers who were incapacitated by serious injuries to body and limbs!

        The interesting piece of news today is that Gotabhaya Rajapakse has expressed a ‘willingness’to enter politics, if the President- his brother, requests so! This news is the tip of the rats tail we can see now, most of the big rat is yet in its hole. The BBS will be in the vanguard of GB’s politics and are dress rehearsing now. Interesting and more worrying times are ahead.



  • 7

    Dr. DJ is becoming desperate!

    • 1


      “Dr. DJ is becoming desperate!”

      Just like his former boss, cronies and you.

    • 0

      There is no difference between DR. Dayan and DR. Mervin. Both belong to the same school of thought! True, this bugger is desperate.

    • 0

      It is not desperation.. DJ tried to misguide readers with wording..
      He tried to make ‘Reconciliation’ = ‘political reconciliation,
      Tamils, educated Singhalese, UN and world want reconciliation, that is friendlier relationship between all Lankans, all ethnic groups. Who is interested on Political Reconciliation at this stage of ethnic issue?

  • 7

    Now that you with your “Vast Majority” are in the pit – words of wisdom are emanating from the pit.

    ” The Sri Lankan state and society must be re-envisioned, not as Sinhala-Buddhist or Sinhala Buddhist dominated, but as a multi-stakeholder partnership between all of the island’s constituent communities.”

    Your war crime denial has more credibility that this enlightenment coming out of the pit. Clearly your advise to MR to build a “personnel friendship” with Modi does not appear to be working. Glad that you realize that you are with your vast majority in the Sinhalese Buddhist Pit. Only TNA can dig you’ll out.

    • 2

      Kiri Yakka

      “Glad that you realize that you are with your vast majority in the Sinhalese Buddhist Pit. Only TNA can dig you’ll out.”

      I doubt TNA has the acumen or the generosity, definitely you can bet on Wiggie.

      So, the Sinhalese can’t live with Tamils and can’t live without them or the other way round, Tamils can’t live with Sinhalese and can’t live without them.

      Its funny old Tamil/Sinhalese world.

  • 2

    Yeah, DJ conveniently forgets about the grave crimes against humanity (Tamils) committed by the ranaviru during the war.

    What a crooked thinking he has?

  • 0

    Yes indeed, it’s a power equation. Similar to Northern Ireland loyalists who with the help of uk manage a beachhead the Tamils do the same in Jaffna. The beachhead that was formed 1000 years ago when Sinhale capital was forced down south.

    The old Sinhale always managed to take on South Indian Malabars. Although now the equation with the north combined is not the islands favour.

    If India disintegrates the power balance will shift.

  • 0

    The Govt is already in the Pit…
    like the Frogs now they see only the surroundings and think
    that it is world…because of that nothing moves…
    first they have to come out of the pit..then they will see the world..

    It is an insult to draw President Rajapaksha parallel to late President J.R.Jayawardene..
    because the planes are not identical….without a transversal they cannot be connected..
    and it create congruence….Dr Jayatilleke tries to make the angles equal…by straighting it..
    besides President Rajapaksha is an accident….

  • 1

    Why should we remind what kind of roles DJ had then been handling ?

    “*Dr Jayatilleka was Chairperson/Rapporteur of the Intergovernmental Working Group on the Effective Implementation of the United Nations’ Durban Declaration & Programme of Action against Racism, Racial Intolerance, Xenophobia and Related Forms of Intolerance (2008-2009). He was a Minister in the first Cabinet of the North-East Provincial Council in 1988-89, created by the 13th amendment (1988) following the Indo-Lanka accord of 1987.”

    What is his role in today´s context ? other than bringing this kind of articles that not many would get the contents easily ?

    What does this guy intend MR regime to do ? Why cant he clear the issues directly with the president of his choice (Mahinda Raja) ?

    All these questions went through my head, at the time, I was compelled to read his article this time too.

  • 2

    This article has been writen and rewriten very many times in diffenrent Online pages.

    The fact of the matter is the majority community cann’t be trusted with majority share of decision making.
    Since independance the decisions they have made and the constitutions they have created had made the Srilankan problem worse not any better.

    The only powersharing agreement,The 13 th Amendment brought on under duress by Indian Govt has been systematically watered down with Supreme court decision,Subsequent amendments to constitution such as the 18 th and the Divineguma bill.

    Given these antecedents/ behaviors by the majority community the minorities are ill at ease to share power on any other basis than Equal footing
    Ie: Federal setup.With veto powers which would involve provincial matters.

    The other pieces of this puzzle:

    1.Seperation of state and Religion .

    Under the new social contract CENTER must be secular not a theocratic center.
    For that matter all govt including the provincial once should remain secular.

    2.Seperation of various arms of the government.

    The legislative arm
    The Parliament should be independent from the Executive branch Ie: Presidency.

    The Judiciary and law enforcement
    should remain independent from both legislative and executive branches of the government.

    The latter is an imperative in the interest of rule of law and good governance.

    I doubt the majority community is ready for discussions along these lines.

    Would they be ever ready for this? I don’t know.

    Should the minority communities wait and get marginalized in the mean time?

    Wake up Dayan!

    You couldn’t hide your own wishes which are no different to Sinhala nationalist agenda.

    Only difference is you are cosmopolitan enough to know this is wrong and you are ashamed to admit in public.

    There fore you have couched it in different language borrowed from different context to write an article involving governance and strurctiure of government.

    Readers of this forum are articulate enough to tease this out and call a spade, a spade.

  • 1

    As usual after reading the learned Doctor’s discourse on majority/minority nexus many will find difficult to make head or tail of what he is talking. Dayan is an unrepentant apologist to the concept of Sinhala – Buddhist majoritarianism. His harangue could be deduced to some simple truths.
    1) He stands for Sinhala – Buddhist domination on the principle that a minority cannot have equal rights with the majority. To justify his theory he draws a parallel with a corporate body which has majority and minority share holders.
    2) He believes in a unitary state and an indivisible Sri Lanka. And he believes such a state existed for ages.

    3) He justifies the official status to Buddhism as a state religion based again on the numerical superiority of the Sinhala – Buddhists.

    4) He conveniently forgets or it is selective amnesia that through out known history the Thamils had their own kingdom. What more it coexisted with Sinhalese kingdoms in the south even to the extent of contracting matrimonial relationship.

    5) He is elevating the Sinhala army as an executive arm and as the sixth pillar of the government.

    To the elucidation of the learned Doctor may I remind him that what Thamils demand is not quantitative equality but qualitative equality. If the Education Ministry wants to publish a text book, it will print 16 million copies in Sinhala and just 4 million copies in Thamil. Under democracy everyone must be treated equally without regard to race, religion, gender etc. If not that country is not a democracy. In Canada the Thamils as well as Sinhalese who migrated to this country since 1983 enjoy equal rights in every aspect of their life. Unlike Sri Lanka there is no institutionalised discrimination by the government. It is this equality that permitted a Thamil woman to contest and get elected to parliament. It is not a mean feat. Lastly, a gentle reminder that Ceylon would not have gained independence if the Thamils did not vote for the Soulbury constitution. D.S. Senanayake deceived the unsuspecting Thamil legislators with the promise of equality of all people which was nothing more than empty rhetoric.

  • 1

    Finally Dayan has decided to talk Turkey.

    Still he is well short of the mark.

    “We are not going to sit in the PSC because it is going to abolish 13 A “,,,Mr Abraham Sumanthiran.

    Does that indicate any change in the TNA attitude towards the new geo political,population,economic and social changes since Young Gandhi showed the 13 A in the mouth of a desperate leader who was desperate to save his country from Indian invasion and partition like in Cyprus.

    Now ,it is different, And the Armed forces which Dayan has rightly brought to the fore is one factor.

    Even the UNP christian faction leader said last week that he wants to scrap the 13 A and write a new constitution.

    Probably Dayan haven’t read that bit yet, but Kiriella got a heart attack seeing it soon after giving his guarantee for the 13 A plus plus to the TNA.

    There are heck of a lot of Tamils among the inhabitants who would love to live as equals as they have done for centuries and doing exceptionally well in our major cities.

    Do they get a hearing?. of course not because the West only know the Diaspora and the TNA.

    What the inhabitants have to worry about is Abraham’s new venture to go to all Provinces and tell the Tamils to support the Pillai invasion to find out who killed the LTTE in Mullivaikal.

    That sort of communal stirring surely can’t be called reconciliation and path to what Dayan envisages as the new future for our inhabitants. going forward.

  • 0

    Dr. DJ has extremely similar views to Ranil than to MR on the Tamil question.
    There are ONLY minor differences between the two on international relations too. I seriously do not see why he is so very anti-Ranil. Is it a personal animosity between the two?

    He seems to be a bit more pro-UPFA and very pro-Mahinda. Why oh why Dr. DJ? why oh why?
    You know as much as I do (and I am a sinhalese) that Mahind will end up in the dustbin of history. He had a major opportunity to be the second Lincoln! He messed it up by trying to create a political dynasty. And in the process he will likely screw up any chance Namal may have had to create his own successful political career.

    I pity Mahinda. I cannot understand why Dr. DJ (being an intellectual) keeps trying to blow Mahinda’s balloon knowing very well (as seen on Sirasa Sithijaya) that Mahinda will likely end up in the dustbin of history if he keeps to his present policies…

    • 2


      “I seriously do not see why he is so very anti-Ranil.”

      Ranil used his brains to defeat LTTE, facilitated the beginning of the end of LTTE as a formidable(?) military force whereas Dayan as a self confessed war monger wanted to see river of blood. For him spilling blood and death more important than race, class, religion, …. . Human sacrifice to sooth his ego. He has all the credentials to be a petty tyrant.

      Premachandran, Premadasa and MR were his natural allies or he was a natural ally to them.

  • 0

    Tamils want Tamil Elam. Fullstop.

    Can Dayan give it or not?

    That is the only solution for Tamilians.

    Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims don’t trust Dayan. So his plans are useless.

  • 1

    Dayan invented an “external threat” to sri lanka via the north,to justify the militarisation of the north.
    He did not divulge the source of this “threat”.
    Thus he helped the militarisation of the north with its evils heaped on tamils of the north – repression,”rehabilitation”,whatever that means of those who protest against repression,including students,control of familial & religious activities,livelihoods and even burials of the dead.
    Now he is talking utter nonsense about the status of tamils,sinhalese etc.
    He is a serpent in disguise.

  • 0


    Sorry your kite want fly. You claim “There are heck of a lot of Tamils among the inhabitants who would love to live as equals as they have done for centuries and doing exceptionally well in our major cities. Do they get a hearing? Of course not because the West only know the Diaspora and the TNA. What the inhabitants have to worry about is Abraham’s new venture to go to all Provinces and tell the Tamils to support the Pillai invasion to find out who killed the LTTE in Mullivaikal.” It appears you are living in another planet oblivious to ground reality. You are trying to drive a wedge between the ordinary Thamil people and their leadership. It is a moth eaten old political ploy adopted by Sinhalese politicians. You conveniently forget the fact that the “heck of a lot of Tamils” you identity have consistently voted against Mahinda Rajapaksa and his government. At the presidential elections held in 2010 the whole of Northeast and Nuwara Elia district were painted completely green meaning Thamil people voted with both hands to his rival Sarath Fonseka. The votes polled in the 9 Tamil dominate districts were 664,010 (50.0%) for Sarath Fonseka and 427,073 (25.45%) for Mahinda Rajapaksa!
    In the parliamentary elections held in 2010 the ruling party was soundly defeated despite intimidation and thuggery by the armed forces and police. In the recently held elections to the NPC, the UPFA was given a drubbing by the Thamil voters. The TNA polled a total of 353,595 votes (78.48%) winning 30 seats as opposed to 82,838 votes (18.38%) winning only 7 seats by the UPFA.
    It lost all the 9 electorates in the North. So please invent some other excuses for the continued military occupation of the North by the Sinhala army and rendering the NPC disfunctional by a military governor appointed by the government.

  • 0

    This is standard obfuscation by Mr Jayatilleka. Translated into plain English, he is advocating Sinhala Buddhist supremacism, largely for his own sake.

    All that is needed for national reconciliation is honest devolution of power, including land and police powers. Designing that is not rocket science.

    The problem is not with the Tamils or even the Sinhalese as such, but the Rajapkasa obsession with power and self aggrandizement, and the method of achieving these, namely, maintaining the ideology of Sinhala Buddhist supremacism by resort to encouraging ethnic and religious disharmony, all the while publicly talking about harmony. It is unlikely that this country in its entire history had a liar like Rajapaksa.

    Mr Jayatilleka is still clinging to the naive theory of a “pancha maha balavegaya”, a mere empty slogan like “mahinda cintanaya”. Behind the facade of this “balavegaya” was an uncivilized class of exploiter thugs who replaced the relatively more civilized class headed by a western educated elite.

    Mahinda Rajapaksa is the embodiment of the “national” culture of exploiter thuggery. There can never be national reconciliation so long as this uncivilized thug remains in power, unless forced to by India or some other agency, which is a distinct and deserving possibility.

  • 0

    Dr. DJ,
    He is definitely becoming desperate. From what can be understood, he will lose any possibility of getting a plum post if Ranil comes to power, hence his desperation!

    What I ask Dr. DJ is simple, what if Ranil gets more than 20%- it’s very likely Ranil will, Ranil will NOT lose, but he will get more than 20%. What if that happens? Will Dr. DJ publicly admit his below par understanding of the Sri Lankan political scene?

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