By Ambika Satkunanathan –
Is it possible to secure the dignity, rights and well-being of a conflict-affected population by incorporating them into a military juggernaut that is dominating all spheres of life in Sri Lanka, while demanding the servility and unquestioning loyalty of all?
The creeping militarization of Sri Lanka which followed the end of armed conflict in 2009 has now, four years later, become normalised and entrenched. During the years of the war the impact of militarization was felt mainly in the North and East. However, following the end of the war, systematic militarization has been taking place throughout the country. Its impact on the lives of those in conflict-affected areas is visible and severe. Driving through Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and Vavuniya gives the lie to repeated denials by the government there is a heavy military presence in the North, particularly in comparison to other parts of the country. For instance, the camps of the 22nd Battalion, Gajaba Regiment, 574 Brigade, 682 Brigade, 681 Brigade, 591 Brigade, 59 Division, 14th Battalion, 68 Division, HQ 571 Brigade, 573 Brigade, 561 Brigade and 682 Brigade are just a few that are visible to any visitor to the area.
To borrow Cynthia Enloe’s definition, ‘Militarization is the step-by-step process by which something becomes controlled by, dependent on, or derives its value from the military as an institution or militaristic criteria.’ As she reminds us ‘What has been militarized can be demilitarized. What has been demilitarized can be remilitarised’. Examining the process of militarization currently under way in Sri Lanka Enloe’s observation that ‘Militarization does not occur simply in the obvious places but can transform the meanings and uses of people, things and ideas located far from bombs or camouflaged fatigues;’ is particularly relevant, because in Sri Lanka one has to look beyond the visible and most obvious to understand the rapid militarization that has taken place since the end of the war.
Militarization in the North is taking place in complex ways at multiple levels. In addition to the noticeable physical presence of the camp or civil affairs office, it is the military’s involvement in the civil administration, development activities and commercial activities that is the gravest cause for concern. As early as 2009, signalling the increased involvement of the military in post-war development, the Northern Security Forces Commander stated that with the elimination of terror in the north, ‘security forces in the North will be engaged in a new role of developing the region’. The military began to play an active role in development activities, to the point where permission to implement projects or development work was subject to authorisation by the military, and official permission to travel into the Vanni to work was refused to certain individuals deemed to be a threat to national security.
While the government now claims that civil administration in the North is once again in charge of development activities, the website of the Ministry of Defence (MOD) continues to post stories about the role of the armed forces in development activities. For instance, according to an article posted in November 2012 on the MOD website, ‘Under the government’s expedited northern development programme, the Army is extensively involved in a number of infrastructure development projects including road reconstruction, infrastructure development and housing’.
The government may argue that the military is merely ‘assisting’ the civil administration to rebuild the north, or is being utilised to implement activities launched by other ministries. But the fact that a committee in the North that came together to prepare development plans for 2013 was convened at the Headquarters of 55 Division in Vettilaikerny and chaired by the commanding officer is illustrative of the unequal and uneven balance of power between the military and civil administration. The existence of a weak civil administration as a result of armed conflict is used to justify military involvement in, and even take over of activities and duties performed by civil authorities not only in the North but also in other parts of the country. For instance, it was reported that due to the failure of the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC) to manage Viharamahadevi Park in the centre of the city, the Urban Development Authority (UDA), which is within the purview of the MOD, has placed the park under the supervision of the Navy. Instead of strengthening civil administration and dealing with allegations of corruption in the public service, the government uses allegations of corruption and a weak administrative service to justify the military’s involvement.
Entrenchment of militarization
The militarization of civil administration has been internalised both by government officials and the public to the extent that in January 2011, when a number of abductions and extra-judicial killings took place in the Jaffna peninsula causing panic amongst the population, the Government Agent of Jaffna promptly met with the army commander of the area to discuss the security situation rather than with the police. In response to the deteriorating security situation, the police and army launched joint patrols in Jaffna and reportedly stepped up surveillance. It was also the army, rather than the police, that held public meetings in Jaffna on enhancing security in the area, and requested the public to complain to the nearest army camp if they received extortion threats.
More recently, in November 2012, following the police and army breaking up a gathering of students who were protesting against the military entering the premises of Jaffna University and the men’s and women’s hostels and assaulting students – the Vice Chancellor (VC) of the University met with the Jaffna Commander to request the withdrawal of the army from the vicinity of the premises. Although it was claimed that the army was called in to assist the police, it was the army commander who made the decision regarding withdrawal rather than the police. The MOD site further reported that ‘SF-J Commander requested the VC not to allow any outsiders other than undergraduates and academic and non-academic staff onto the University premises without prior permission either from the VC or the Registrar, to which all agreed’.
Mirroring this, in the south of the country, following the riots at the Welikada prison in the outskirts of Colombo in November 2012, the Commissioner-General of Prisons urged the Ministry of Defence to take over the administration of the prisons. Since 2009, the public and diplomatic services too have seen an influx of former military officers appointed to key positions. The Governors of the Northern and Eastern Provinces are both former military personnel, as is the Government Agent of Trincomalee.
Charity and gratitude vs. rights and dignity
The army’s encroachment into civilian space to exercise further control over the population, particularly children and youth, is illustrated by its involvement in the education sector in the North by engaging in philanthropic initiatives, with the MOD website replete with stories about the army’s activities which range from providing scholarships and distributing books to students. More recently, visitors to Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu are told that the Civil Security Department (CSD) is managing pre-schools in the area. While this is supposed to constitute paying the salaries of teachers and monitoring the administration of the school, it will no doubt also involve decision-making regarding curriculum and activities held at the school. Further, reportedly, 103 military personnel are teaching the Sinhala language in schools in Kilinochchi.
As Enloe states, ‘Militarization does not just happen: it requires decisions, many decisions, decisions made by both civilians and people in uniform’. Likewise, in Sri Lanka, the fact that private citizens and corporate entities provide donations to the aforementioned army’s welfare programmes rather than working with local community and social service groups illustrates the entrenchment and normalisation of militarization.
A disturbing aspect of the army’s philanthropic initiatives is the indication that they appear to view these as part of a charitable impulse dedicated to a population which in turn is expected to show servility and gratitude. This is demonstrated by phrases – such as, ‘grateful beneficiaries’, ‘charitable deed’ ‘this act of benevolence by the security forces have (sic) brought great joy to the children’ – used by both military officials and the MOD in speaking or writing about these activities.
In many instances the normalisation of militarization is aided by the dire economic circumstances of the conflict affected people, who due to lack of other livelihood opportunities take up employment with different sectors of the military machinery, such as the CSD which recently employed a large number of persons in Kilinochchi in agricultural farms which ironically were previously managed by the LTTE. It should be noted that instead of providing viable livelihood options to the conflict affected, the states appears to be offering opportunities mainly in the defence industry to those living in the former LTTE controlled areas.
The capturing of civilian space is supported by the ever-growing number of entities that are part of the defence complex, such as the Media Centre for National Security (MCNS), the Civil Security Department (CSD) and the Civil Defence Force (CDF). This structure is bolstered by the more public and even interventionist role played by military officials in a manner unseen in the past, such as military commanders making public statements on a number of issues ranging from the laws under which civilians will be prosecuted for certain offences to the behaviour expected of students of Jaffna University.
Militarization also appears to be an important component of the government’s post-war reconciliation strategy. This process seeks to reconcile with the Tamil community and include them in the social fabric of Sri Lanka through the re-militarization of the northern population. Cadet corps are being established in schools, leadership training programmes for school students are held with the involvement of the army, school tours are organised by the army, youth are encouraged to join the CDF, and women are recruited into the army.
While there have been a number of allegations made in relation to these recruitment campaigns, including forced recruitment and sexual violence against women recruits, which have been denied by the state, the main question to ask is if it is possible to secure the dignity, rights and physical and socio-economic well-being of the conflict-affected population by incorporating them into a military juggernaut that is encroaching and dominating all spheres of life in Sri Lanka, while demanding the servility and unquestioning loyalty of all?
The main concern is that there is little understanding amongst the general population of the dangers of military encroachment into civilian affairs. Instead, a culture and narrative in which the army is being firmly placed as an integral actor in all aspects of governance in Sri Lanka is being created. For instance, in an article that appeared in the Sunday Leader on 3 March 2013, an army officer responded to allegations of military interference in civilian affairs by declaring that ‘these are baseless accusations made by certain parties who want the people to be distant from the forces as they do not want harmony’. Any challenges to this narrative would be considered anti-national and traitorous.
*This was first published on Open Democracy at opendemocracy
MNZ / March 28, 2013
One obvious reason why militarization in the previously LTTE-held territories is being strengthened is because the regime is afraid that security risks may re-emerge.
If the military is to be phased out in the course of time, then the best alternative to contain the ethnic risk factor is by radically changing the demographics in those areas by a gradual process of majority Sinhala migration.
While we are all diverted by Geneva, BBS, Tamil Nadu etc, the cronies and lackeys of the regime continue to entrench themselves by hook or by crook in the so-called traditional homelands of the Tamils. And there is no stopping them.
In fact there has been no satisfactory resolution even to the issue of the displaced Muslims refugees who were herded in Puttalam consequent to Prabakhran’s ethnic cleansing of Jaffna decades ago.
The new generation from this stock of Puttalam refugees will not be able to identify with Jaffna, and hence need a different trajectory to rehabilitate them and to set them free in civilised society. But nothing tangible is being done to address this problem.
The MR regime is premised on the P3 Principle, i.e. Power, Profit and Perpetuity.
Unfortunately, the political arena is mostly populated with immoral scavengers who have no real love for the country. As long as the regime continues to enrich and fatten these scavengers they will blindly support the P3 Principle and protect the regime. Talk of R2P!!
Scavengers in the higher echelons of the armed forces and the civil administration complete the picture.
Sorry to disappoint you Ambika, but we are in for the long haul!
China Doll / March 30, 2013
Ambika, nice piece but open your eyes and realize that the US and EU and others who fund your work were in the militarization business long before Gota the white Van Goon decided that militarization against regime change was the best survival strategy for the Rajapassa family bent on looting and ruling Sri Lanka while stripping the public wealth.
Biggest export of the United States and European Union are arms exports. They sell guns and then talk human rights. If the US is so concerned about Human Rights in Lanka while do they ensure that a case is brought against Gota the goon who has US citizenship and is under US jurisdiction? Same question may be asked of the Tamil Diaspora – why no case against Gota? The whole world is a massively militarized tinderbox thanks to the US war an terror and today the rise of China another military juggernaut with India morphing into one!
Dr.Rajasingham Narendran / March 28, 2013
There is someone else commenting as MSK. This is sometimes confusing. I agree with you on the three Ps, but would add a fourth P standing for paranoia and a fifth P, for pride. In this instance pride denotes excessive ego.
On the question of changing demographics,there is no serious threat on that score in the north now, while in the east, the present reality preceded MR. Changes in demographics have not been on the agenda of the SLFP, since its advent. it was a UNP tactic.
On the question of Muslims chased out of Jaffna, I think very little can be done now. The Muslim IDPs have been away from Jaffna for too long and have established their roots elsewhere. In fact they are now the main Tamil speakers in Puttalam. There travails have made them assert their identity aggressively in Puttalam.
Most of the Tamils who moved from the north and east to the south during the difficult times there, have not moved back as expected, in the past years. They visit Jaffna often, but do not stay there. They have got used to the life in the south, particularly the comforts and facilities in around Colombo.
The government has of course missed the golden opportunity that came with the end of the war to resolve the fundamental problems. The present circumstances have also presented a new opportunity. However, the government will miss this bus too because of your three Ps + my two Ps.
Dr. Rajasingham Narendran
Dr.Rajasingham Narendran / March 28, 2013
After reading Dharisha Bastians reference to the various monuments a fourth P came to my mind- Perverted values.
MNZ / March 29, 2013
Firstly I am not MSK.
Secondly I agree that there are more P’s to describe this regime (often called The Company).
In fact I was being moderate when I used the more euphemstic “PROFIT” instead of “PLUNDER” or “PLILLAGE”!
Sadly, we will continue to wallow in the present mess and misery, driven by corruption and maladministration as long as the “P3 PRINCIPLE” prevails.
Whatever your sentiments with regard to demographics, the next generation will definitely witness significant (if not exponential) increase in the density new Sinhalese migrants to the so-called traditional Tamil homelands.
I am not saying whether that is good or bad, but it will happen.
justice / March 28, 2013
We have a Military Dictatership by Mahina Rajapkse assisted by his siblings and extended family.
The 18th amendment is to maintain the executive presidency indefinitely.
The military swallows the major portion of the national revenue.
University entrants get a taste of ‘militarisation’ – called ‘leadership training’.
School principals are now Cardboard Colonels – and are expected to ‘militarise’ the minds and behaviour of school children.
Unfortunately,tamils of north & east bear the brunt of the indisciplined military.
50,000 deserters who went AWOL & took their guns with them, assist drug mafia,joined criminal gangs and assist politicians during elections.
In other democracies,military & police “Protect and Serve”.
But in sri lanka,military and police consider civilians as their serfs.
Safa / March 28, 2013
Military presence is supposed to solve the security issues but instead has created several other problems. Primarily the restrictions placed on the civilian population, confiscation of land for the military, the intrusion into the private space of the civilian population, competition with civilian economic enterprise, their overbearing and patronising attitude etc.
Military cannot do charity as it is all the taxpayers money. Defence budget is spiralling up and up with no fiscal responsibility or accountability.It is advisable from a political, social and economic standpoint to cutback on military spending and involvement in civilian activities. War is over and now it is neccesary to get back to civilian life. People cannot be held hostage on a permenant basis.
Naga / March 28, 2013
Ideally the military presence in the North should have been vastly reduced if not totally withdrawn after the end of war in May 2009. That did not happen. Now MR government is more likely to increase the military presence given the developments in Tamil Nadu with students threatening that they will create an Eelam in Sri Lanka and Jayalitha passing a resolution calling for a UN referendum for the creation of a Tamil Eelam.
In these circumstances it is difficult to counter MR government’s arguments for continued SL military presence in the North and East.
May be things might have changed had the LTTE rump and their Tamil diaspora supporters remained silent and left the Tamil leadership in Sri Lanka to sort out the issues. Now with the resurgence of the new found support for Tamil Eelam from the Tamil Nadu politicians and students, Tamil leadership in Sri Lanka is forced to dance to the tunes the LTTE rump and the Tamil diaspora.
The unnecesary hype in Tamil Nadu is producing a negative result for the Sri Lankan Tamils.The events in Tamil Nadu have strengthened the hands of MR. MR seeing a swell anger among the Sinhalese against these stupid antics in Tamil Nadu will not move to find a resolution of the Tamil problem. Sri Lankan Tamils living in the North East will continue to suffer.
abhaya / March 30, 2013
absolutely no reason to reduce military presence in the north as can be seen by all that is happenin in tamil nadu . any govt that does that is risking another insurrection.