By Dayan Jayatilleka –
The upcoming elections to the Western and Southern Provincial councils kick off a cycle of elections leading to the big ones, the presidential and the parliamentary. Contrary to the Opposition’s speculation, it is not likely that Presidential elections will be held this year. The story in the Daily Mirror (14th January 2014- ‘Presidential Polls Early Next Year’) to the effect that that election will be held in early 2015 has the ring of credibility. The Supreme Court is not likely to risk a meltdown in credibility by permitting an election before the four year mark has been passed but can rule without a travesty in logic that the four year stipulation holds even for the second term and that therefore, the incumbent can go for an election anytime after November 2014, i.e. in early 2015. Though the opposition speculates about a parliamentary election this year, it is unlikely that that the President would deviate from the calculation of his predecessors, that it is to his benefit to have the hugely advantageous parliamentary balance in place when he runs for re-election. That in turn amounts to parliamentary elections in 2015 too, on the heels of the Presidential election.
It is in this context that one must read the lead story in The Island (Jan 14, 2014) which quotes UNP strategist Mangala Samaraweera as stating that the common candidate of the opposition must be from the main oppositional party, the UNP. One surmises that this indicates President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s political instinct has not atrophied completely and she has finally understood (or intuited) that her splendid performance of 1994 was the product of a confluence of unique factors: the serial assassination of the government’s leaders by the LTTE and the resultant vacuum of UNP candidates and the availability of two, not just one, political vehicle for re-entry — the party of her parents, the SLFP, and that of her husband and herself, the SLMP. Today, she has none of those advantages. Without a political vehicle she cannot engage in what the Americans call the ‘ground game’, the political organization and mobilization at the grassroots. A spontaneous surge along Cory Aquino, Lech Walesa or Vaclav Havel lines is possible only against a regime and leadership that has no mass allure. That is hardly the case in today’s Sri Lanka.
President Kumaratunga must also realize a starker truth: if the electorate was indulgent enough to give her two terms though she failed to win the war, it would hardly limit Mahinda Rajapaksa to two terms and turf him out despite having defeated Prabhakaran and brought a basic sense of peace for the last five years after a thirty year war. In short, the electorate is hardly likely to reward equally, an unequal performance on the most important existential issue.
This does not mean that President Kumaratunga does not envisage a political role or should not play one. What it does mean is that she will probably sit it out until the crisis matures, post election.
A snapshot of the context in which the new electoral cycle commences is provided by, well, the snapshots of young Hirunika Premachandra receiving her letter of appointment as co-organizer of the SLFP’s Colombo Central branch from President Rajapaksa. Colombo Central is politically strategic real estate, being the most populous of the zones of the city of Colombo. If Mahinda Rajapaksa can follow up his achievement at the last provincial council election of inducting one of the most popular young MPs of the opposition, Dayasiri Jayasekara, with the promotion of the most media-genic young dissident within the ranks of the governing coalition, Hirunika Premachandra, there is something going right with (and for) him, and very wrong for (and in) the Opposition.
One obvious answer is President Rajapaksa’s personal appeal and warmth of personality. He partially offsets the exclusionary dynamic of the clan-based oligopolistic character of the regime, by his personal charm and capacity for outreach, both social and individual. Paradoxically, despite the glass ceiling within the Government and state, the Opposition fails to retain still less attract, while the President continues to do so. It is only a perverse myopia that can attribute this to crass material incentives.
There is a deeper reason than Mahinda Rajapaksa’s personal charm. A glimpse is provided by a report from a wholly objective outsider, a travel writer. Writing in TravelMag on ‘The Pulse of Peace in Today’s Sri Lanka’, Brain Fisher observes that:
“Having toured Sri Lanka many times over the past two decades, I thought that to return now that the war between the government forces and the ‘Tamil Tigers’ had ended, would be a good idea. Choosing three distinct regions to visit would give me the best overall impression of the present situation (tourist wise) and how they and the local population viewed it.
Every ethnic (non-Tamil) Sri Lankan I spoke with, held strong beliefs that their government had acted correctly and that the charges of genocide cited by the UN and other World bodies, were wrong. They became quite incensed when the subject of the Channel Four documentary film was mentioned, protesting to ‘yours truly’ that it was all faked by the British cameramen, sound recordists and journalists.
Many opposite views were expressed by tourists of certain nationalities, opining that the film must have some merit but the war was over and would be best forgotten.” (Travelmag.co.uk, Jan 10th 2014, my emphasis- DJ)
Thus the social winds and tides are still heavily in favour of the incumbent administration, basically because it is able to monopolize the representation and articulation of these strong feelings shared overwhelmingly by almost three-fourths of the island’s citizenry.
Of course, this does not mean that the crisis will go away. President Jayewardene and his administration faced a crisis of survival in the 1980s, despite his decisive re-election in October 1982. The crisis exploded six months later and escalated for years. However, there are three significant differences between that administration and this one. Firstly, President Jayewardene made the mistake of postponing— in effect, cancelling— the parliamentary election and thereby shutting off some of the safety valves, depriving his administration of a considerable measure of legitimacy. President Rajapaksa has not and sees no need to do so. Secondly, President JRJ was on the wrong side of patriotism/nationalism while President Rajapaksa is hardly likely, in fact congenitally incapable, of being so ill-positioned and vulnerable. Thirdly, though the ethnic crisis and Indo-Lanka relations were the shaft of the spear so to speak, the war and the LTTE were the spearhead of the crisis in the JRJ-Premadasa-CBK (CBK/Ranil) phases, which taken together amounted to the nationally humiliating long downturn or retrenchment of the Sri Lankan state. Under Mahinda Rajapaksa’s political leadership the war was won, the Tiger army decapitated and decimated, thus smashing the spearhead of the crisis within the national territory and political space of Sri Lanka.
Given the current socio-political balance of forces, the clear ethnic or ethno-regional polarisation that will probably be reinforced by the new cycle of elections, will exacerbate the crisis. Frustrated by the immobility of the regime and emboldened by external factors and propellants, Tamil nationalist politics will head off into a Satyagraha/First Intifada mode. The almost inevitable heavy-handed response of the State — a rolling of the tanks—will trigger, no less inevitably, calls for R2P; a ‘1987’ but this time by blockade, drone, stand-off weapons and airpower. This would of course, be the endgame aimed at by the radical Tamil nationalists.
That’s all too simplistic and linear to work, though. Check out Syria. If a regime such as that of Assad, based on a minority or a coalition of minorities can hold on, fight back and impose a hurting stalemate, the resistance of a popularly elected regime— however damaged by economic attrition or hollowing out—supported by the sentiments of a vast majority and the armed forces, can have incalculable tenacity. External intervention in an ethnically polarized space is especially fraught when that polarization does not neatly correspond with clear spatial demarcations. It all amounts to a ‘lose-lose’ scenario.
Is there then a possibility of avoiding such a mutually destructive, lose-lose scenario? Yes! The solution resides in an astutely realistic —‘rational choice’—political intervention in the electoral cycle. Two scenarios may be envisaged.
Scenario A: the Opposition retains a leadership and fields a candidate who virtually guarantees the widest possible majority for the incumbent and therefore the widest majority for the government at the parliamentary elections and the resultant heightening of all the negative trends and features of the present.
Scenario B: the Opposition switches to a leadership and a candidate who can minimize the margin of victory for the incumbent by pulling out the probable maximum UNP vote, and uses the campaign as a springboard to register considerable successes at the parliamentary election which will swiftly follow. This is possible because the UPFA has been in office for 20 years while this President has been around for far less. If a viable opposition candidate makes a good showing (35-45%) at the presidential elections, and is able to ‘flip’ the parliamentary election or register a strong oppositional surge, President Rajapaksa will find himself in approximately the same situation that President Kumaratunga did in 2001/2. A measure of equilibrium — even bipolarity—will be restored, space will re-open and the oligarchy can be weakened through ‘salami tactics’ as finances are controlled by parliament, the composition of which can change kaleidoscopically.
The choice of which of these two scenarios, A or B, is to be preferred is almost entirely up to the Opposition and more specifically, the UNP and its supportive elites. In a conversation the other day about the most recent UNP Convention and the nationally televised behaviour of the aspirant leader of the country—who would be running against Mahinda Rajapaksa, mind— a prominent surviving member of JR Jayewardene’s A-Team which spearheaded the truly historic electoral victory of 1977 told me that he regards the present leader of his party as “an alien”. The reference wasn’t Sri Lankan and cultural; it was planetary, perhaps galactic. It wasn’t the Mahawamsa; it was the X Files.
Leon Trotsky once asserted that “the crisis of humanity is reduced to the crisis of leadership”. My claim is far more modest in scale and scope: the crisis of Sri Lanka is reduced to the crisis of the Opposition leadership.
Thiru / January 14, 2014
“Every ethnic (non-Tamil) Sri Lankan I spoke with, held strong beliefs that their government had acted correctly” So did the Germans other than the Jews on on Nazi rule and the holocaust of Jews in Nazi Germany.
Thiru / January 14, 2014
This also clearly shows the Sri Lankan society is divided along ethnic lines and reconciliation is doubtful, just like the Serbians and the others of former Yugoslavia.
Burning_Issue / January 14, 2014
On the contrary reconciliation is very much on the cards but not under Rajapaksas!
Thiru / January 14, 2014
“Writing in TravelMag on ‘The Pulse of Peace in Today’s Sri Lanka’, Brain Fisher observes that:…..”
Undoubtedly this person was given everything paid trip by Sri Lanka, just like the 14 Conservative MPs from the UK, who then rebutted the genocide Tamils of Sri Lanka in the UK parliament!
Ben Hurling / January 14, 2014
An eventual reconciliation will be your absolute nightmare.
Your kind of Tamil racist ideology must have division and strife to thrive.
Sarath Fernando / January 14, 2014
You are barking up the wrong tree.
History from Banda, Sirima, JR, CBK and now MR has all proved that it is “the kind of Sinhala racist political ideology that must have division and strife to thrive.” Remember the proclamation – “the more we hit the Tamils, the more the Sinhala votes!”
Unless enlightened Sinhalese and true intellects with the required integrity (not those servicing either the NGOs or the Regime for the crumbs) can help the mindset of the larger public away from such stupid short-cuts to block-votes, the country will continue on an increasingly disastrous path.
What with the pseudo-intellects like DJ who reveres “majoritarian dominance” and continues to help undermine any efforts by those whom he chooses to characterize as domestic-Diaspora, just so as to please the regime and decieve the masses towards one more diplomatic assignment, even if it is to Timbaktoo!
Thiru / January 14, 2014
You are right, Sri Lanka has still to produce a statesman who can build a united nation of different communities.
All the so called leaders took the short cut to power.
Ben Hurling / January 15, 2014
Indeed Sinhala racism is the biggest problem. However, Tamil racism is not far behind. Actually just as potent.
I know it is a cliche. Yet, it takes two to Tango. Racism is racism whether it is Sinhalese or Tamil.
Sarath Fernando / January 15, 2014
There is no question Tamils share blame.
The divide-and-rule through discrimination as initiated by Banda was not merely a Tamil or minority problem, but rather a problem for the whole nation – as history has now proved. The Tamil activists wanted to solve it by themselves and in the process shunned if not antagonized even moderate Sinhalese, and that was their blunder that has cost them so dearly to date. Had they instead harnessed, preserved and nurtured the support of the moderate majority and assisted the moderate Sinhala leaders to help steer the mindset of the population, steer them away from the poisonous mindset the politicians were cultivating, then neither the Tamils nor the Sinhalese will be in the current mess.
Tamil activists or actually opportunists instead aided in promoting and consolidating the division and that helped rather than hindered the Sinhala leaders’ agenda – and consequently the Tamils ended up getting hurt a lot more than the Sinhalese. They have paid a rather heavy price.
There is extremism in all populations – frankly, I suppose, by definition that is an unavoidable occurrence! But the problem is that in Sri Lanka, over the last forty years, the mindset of the population has been increasingly distorted to value extremism more than moderation in leadership.
My point is this. The Sinhala politicians have little to gain by being fair with the minorities, at least at the current point in our history. And that is because of the mindset the Sinhala politicians have carefully tailored, nurtured and cultivated among its populace. The politicians did this because it paid increasingly handsome dividends as election after election has shown. Even though Politicians may make motions sanctimoniously suggesting reconciliation, integration, etc, for public and international consumption, fundamentally there is currently no incentive for the Politicians to solve the Tamil-Sinhala issue. In fact solving the issue will be at a great political loss to the politicians– that will take away a huge, assured “milking” opportunity!
Until that mindset of the population gets corrected, the Politicians will keep the issue alive. This is where academics and intellects have a huge role to play – a role they have grossly abandoned in the past many decades. It is the academics who need have the responsibility to keep the population informed of lapses in democratic governance. And this is the reason why I have been so extremely disappointed with Dayan.
Having been trained as a Political academic, having had the very rare luxury of intermingling with experienced social intellects of the highest caliber, and of course having been blessed to be guided in his early years by exceptionally humane and rational parentage, Dayan’s knowingly now stooping to such unethical patronage truly is regrettable, to say the least.
When uneducated thugs in the regime conduct themselves in such lowly manner, I think that may be excusable – on account of their lapses in intellect and integrity. But Dayan has a much higher responsibility. Hence my gross disappointment, if not disgust, at Dayan’s unrelenting pandering.
Ben Hurling / January 15, 2014
What a grim state of affairs. Excellent reasoning.
Apart from the academics, intelectuals I am horrified by both old and new left in Sri Lanka. They have miserably failed Sri Lanka in these affairs. They have had historic opportunities to carry sizable portions of Sinhala population to the right side of this debate. They have bungled each and every chance.
I only know DJ through his public profile. Others seem to know him better. I have appreciated his public contributions to the debate. And his relatively effective diplomatic defence of Sri Lanka. Despite our highly politicized, corrupt and disfunctional external affairs ministry. I am sure DJ himself can respond to your charges should he wishes to do so.
Burning_Issue / January 16, 2014
“The Tamil activists wanted to solve it by themselves and in the process shunned if not antagonized even moderate Sinhalese,…”
There is a lot of sense in what you said. It is very easy to form an opinion of this kind in hindsight given the 30 year bloody conflict resulting in countless deaths and mammoth price paid by the Tamils in particular. The Tamil nationalism was being radicalised during the 70s with people like Amirthalingham pandering to the Tamil Youth that was at brink of turning militant. Amirthalingham and co had thought that they could keep them under control but they failed and in the end it devoured them too!
The final straw for the Tamils was the blatant betrayal of the LLSP. Since Independence, the LLSP enjoyed a big following in the North in particular. Especially the youth adored and marvelled at people like Colwyn RD Silva, NM Perera and Lislie Gunawardna. If Sri Lanka had had the system of proportional representation this point would have been palpable. The 1972 Srima Banda constitution architected by Colwyn RD Silva and endorsed by LLSP that took away the clause. The same constitution introduced the clause giving Buddhism the foremost place. This act had convinced the Tamils collectively that there was no hope; even the Sinhala left had abandoned the Tamils. At this point, there was no option or an iota of evidence that the Sinhala moderate would entertain or sympathise with the Tamils. However, in hindsight we would have been better off if we had maintained Ahimsa!
Sarath Fernando / January 16, 2014
I fully sympathize with the “between the rock and the hard place” position that the vast majority of the Tamils found themselves in, with an ever hardening Sinhala stand, failed multiple attempts of the peaceful activism and the increasing impatience of the educated and ambitious Tamil youth confronting rapidly narrowing livelihood opportunities due entirely to state-orchestrated punitive discrimination.
Also, with reference to your present regret for abandoning Ahimsa, I might point out that there is little evidence to suggest that relentlessly pursuing such a path would have made a difference, given the linear strategy that the hard-line Sinhala leaders had already blue-printed.
The point I was trying to make is different.
The adoption of discriminatory policy by the Government was entirely an exercise in garnering a sycophantic block-vote. That policy adoption was an issue that was harmful not just for the Tamils, but was disastrous for the whole nation, even if not immediately apparent. We all know that now, what with Sri Lanka in the global lime-light just for maid service!
However, since the Tamils found themselves in an opportune position of having an identifiable homeland, the Tamil leaders opted for an easy way out – by asking for separation. I also believe that certain bravado was also at play in that decision, possibly based on many factors including the comfort of the enormous Tamil Nadu just a stone throw away.
What the Tamil leadership failed to realize is that, by opting for that antagonistic separatist agenda, they only made the Sinhala hard-liners’ tasks so much easier and not harder!
Here is a question worth pondering. If the Tamils were a second-majority of the same magnitude as they are now, but were distributed throughout the nation rather than concentrated in a well defined exclusive locale, and if the Government imposed the same or perhaps worse discriminatory policies, do they not have the right to fight such discrimination? How would they go about that?
My point is that, rather than making an enemy of the majority en bloc, if they had recognized the need to and initiated grass-root level efforts to educate the majority of the unfairness and the futility of discrimination, then that would have served better, not just for the Tamils but for the whole nation.
Burning_Issue / January 17, 2014
My farther for instance muttered many times that an armed rebellion was inevitable while recognizing the dangers of derailing and rising against the democratic norms. He particularly loathed the ways in which the militant Tamil youth emboldened by the tide of nationalism obstinately jettisoning opposite views; in some cases those who spoke or acted against Tamil nationalistic sentiments were physically punished and some were even executed! No one was able to question or do anything about it. In my view, vast majority of the Tamils, had they been given a choice, they would have preferred non-violent methods. However, the 1983 pogrom changed all that.
“Also, with reference to your present regret for abandoning Ahimsa, I might point out that there is little evidence to suggest that relentlessly pursuing such a path would have made a difference, given the linear strategy that the hard-line Sinhala leaders had already blue-printed.”
Absolutely correct; Ahimsa would have yielded nothing whatsoever. Nevertheless, by maintaining Ahimsa, the Tamils would have saved them from mass annihilation; many traditional Tamil villages and towns that have been devoured by the army expansion would not have happened; importunate adherence of Ahimsa would have driven the Sinhala hardliners up the wall! Moreover, the Tamils would not carry the labels such as suicide bombers, ethnic cleansing of the North, child soldiers etc in the consciences.
“However, since the Tamils found themselves in an opportune position of having an identifiable homeland, the Tamil leaders opted for an easy way out – by asking for separation. I also believe that certain bravado was also at play in that decision, possibly based on many factors including the comfort of the enormous Tamil Nadu just a stone throw away.”
I always believed that the demand for Separation by the TULF was not cast in stone. As you correctly identified about the comfort of TN, the Tamil polity was copying what TMK of India did under their then leader Anna Thurai. Anna demanded separation but settled for a greater autonomy. This was possible with the Indian set up. However, such an attempt by the TULF had backfired; the Sinhala chauvinists emboldened by this audacious demand hardened their attitude as you noted. VP on the other hand took that Vaddukkodai resolution as gospel along with the verdict of the 1977 general elections. The reason for VP’s decision to wipeout the entire leadership of the TULF indicative that compromise on Eelam was not tolerated by the LTTE!
“Here is a question worth pondering. If the Tamils were a second-majority of the same magnitude as they are now, but were distributed throughout the nation rather than concentrated in a well defined exclusive locale, and if the Government imposed the same or perhaps worse discriminatory policies, do they not have the right to fight such discrimination? How would they go about that?”
This is an interesting point. The problem is, naturally, minorities usually tend to stay in clusters; in our case it was established as such owing to the history. The other vital point that will work against such an idea is the Tamil language. There is every possibility that, if the Tamils were to be disbursed/scattered across the landscape, over a period of time, they will be assimilated into becoming Sinhala. There are many examples of this kind around the southern costal areas. This has been the inherent fear that the Tamils have always been grappling with. Please see what Prof. PS Senanayaka has eloquently said in his speech introducing the trilingual project in terms why language is important to both Tamils and Sinhalese. They are not just the languages that they speak but also forms the basis of their identity.
“My point is that, rather than making an enemy of the majority en bloc, if they had recognized the need to and initiated grass-root level efforts to educate the majority of the unfairness and the futility of discrimination, then that would have served better, not just for the Tamils but for the whole nation.”
I completely agree. The TNA should undertake this task; I would prefer the likes of Sumanthiran addresses the Sinhala in Sinhala and endeavor to allay their fears about power devolution etc. Not just TNA, there should be a multiparty platform where both Sinhala and Tamil political leaders should sincerely approach this issue with earnest. However, I would doubt this would ever happen!
Rajash / January 15, 2014
JR’s famous interview with the Guardian News Paper in the wake of the 1983 riots
..if I starve the Tamils to death the Sinhala South will behappy…(meanig to vote for me)
manel fonseka / January 14, 2014
Not true, Thiru, there were many dissenters, & a number of attempts to assassinate Hitler. Many “oppositionists” of varying political/religious beliefs, other than the Jews, were swept into concentration camps, or summarily executed, or tried to get out of Germany.
K.A Sumanasekera / January 14, 2014
Bad enough having the serial loser as tte Leader,but his minders who are supposed to be the hitters are destroying even the little sympathy the electorate has for UNP h pays to get these sorts of juicy instead of hitting the Govt.
Samaraweera’s own Missus now says the alleged robber of her hubby’s important documents and his Whisky collection is his own “lover’
And it is not in a Gossip Tabloid whichy stories, but these revelations are pays to get this sort of juic
Joseph Pillai / January 14, 2014
Spot on Thiru!
UOC Seena / January 14, 2014
It is obvious that UNP is not in a position to win the both Western and the Southern PC election. What do you think if Sajith contest the PC election in the Western Province? Could he increase the votes?
Abraham Lincolnpaksha / January 14, 2014
Dayan as usual is singing for his supper.
Thiru / January 14, 2014
After all he is a Sinhala Buddhist supremacist, isn’t he? His master’s voice!
Anpu / January 14, 2014
“Every ethnic (non-Tamil) Sri Lankan I spoke with, held strong beliefs that their government had acted correctly and that the charges of genocide cited by the UN and other World bodies, were wrong. They became quite incensed when the subject of the Channel Four documentary film was mentioned, protesting to ‘yours truly’ that it was all faked by the British cameramen, sound recordists and journalists.”
You must have expressed your opinion as well to these Sinhalese (Non-Tamils). What did you tell them (non-Tamil) about CH4’s killing field and No Fire Zone?
Are the films fake?
Spring Koha / January 14, 2014
It appears that our RW is quite comfortable as the ‘Permanent Leader of the Opposition’ and his ploy of finding a stalking horse for the Presidential election allows him the best option of all, as Non Playing Captain.
Truth is that MR has some considerable distance to run and the surfeit of goodwill that accrued in 2009 is not likely to run out anytime soon. Further, the indefatigable defence of the Sri Lankan position, though casting MR as a pariah internationally, has made him a steadfast and reliable leader in the eyes of the three-quarters of our citizenry who agree with him. Any challenger at the hustings had better have something very, very special.
Ben Hurling / January 14, 2014
Unseating Rajapassa is fully possible.
However, we face 2 formidable problems:
1. A unifying, charismatic, trustworthy opposition candidate has not emerged so far.
2. Election process itself will be utterly corrupt. A cocktail of corruption, violence, abuse of state media and resources will be used to ensure the desired outcome of Rajapssa.
I am afraid it looks like we will be stuck witht he dictatorship for a while.
aratai / January 14, 2014
It’s VP who decides (then and now) who rules Lanka.
VP’s choice is MaRa.
Spring Koha / January 15, 2014
Sadly VP – The Sun God – wasn’t very good at math’s and couldn’t work out when the odds were stacked against him, and consequently didn’t know when to fold his cards and live to fight another day. The result: an undignified end not just for him and his brave but foolish band of warriors but, more importantly, for a WHOLE community, now doomed to wander in the northern wilderness.
J.Muthu / January 15, 2014
Simple sinhala mafia gangs never going to change….
Dr.Rajasingham Narendran / January 14, 2014
There is widespread dissatisfaction in the country with reference to the present government. The LTTE , its terror and its decimation are becoming a distant memory. What is in favour of MR is the non-emergence of a credible figure to replace him. Even the issues to be raised in Geneva, are not of much concern to the ordinary people, who are quite aware that organised rabble are being mobilised by the government to represent their purported concerns, The cost of living, levels of corruption and misuse of political power are hurting the people and there is an ever increasing desire for a change of government. How these factors will play out in an honest election, is anyone’s guess.
Sinhala Victim of LTTE / January 15, 2014
you say “The LTTE , its terror and its decimation are becoming a distant memory”
how dare you say that. I am a Sinhala victim of LTTE terror. There are many Sinhala mothers who have given there sons to the Sri Lanka army/Navy/air force who lost their.
There are many Sinhala sons, daughters, brothers , sisters , dadas, mothers who have lost their loved ones in LTTE attack.
There are also Tamil Montehrs, fathers , sisters, brothers, friends etc who have lost thier loved ones to LTTE forced recruitment.
All these people still grieving , they have lost their bred winner and now they are toiling day and night or trying to escape to Australia or any other land, they sell all thier belongings to pay the traffickers and then get caught and return home penillse to a total oblivion
You are absolute arshole to talk on behalf of them. who gave you the rights?
just shut you fxxxing mouth and get lost …dont come here to CT and pen as Dr Rajasihgam Narendran as though you are the god’s gift to Sri Lanka
So shut up and do not hurt peoples feeling…go and clean toilets
Dr.Rajasingham Narendran / January 15, 2014
Even you are a God’s gift!
Rajash / January 15, 2014
I wonder if his brother Jeyadevan, one time LTTE financier, via the LTTE temple, will consider his treatment by LTTE as a distant memory.
These aresholes are two faced.
DeSelva / January 15, 2014
he also states
“…Even the issues to be raised in Geneva, are not of much concern to the ordinary people..”
pompous idiot thinks he is above ordinary …
Kamal / January 14, 2014
People should boycott the Presidential Election
Burning_Issue / January 14, 2014
Sarath Farnando has addressed you on the following threat; please reply:
It is important you address Sarath Farnando’s questions.
Dev / January 14, 2014
What Dayan tells without really telling is……….(drum roll pls)…..Let my boy Sajith to become leader LOL
Mallaiyuran / January 14, 2014
DJ trying to show these elections are true, democratic elections. Not really. NPC election showed the true nature of these by Army even printing duplicate news papers. Hurnika, Murali all taken there at gun point. Its not called “Charm” – It is “Death Threat”. Afers the EPC election, everybody knows even if opposition win the election they can not sit on the chair. There white van has kidnapped Hakeem’s team. It is not LTTE killed the UNPers. Premadasa and Gamini so far has been blamed on LTTE. They all have have been forced to cross the line. about 75 prominent UNPers crossed the line in the recent history. Dayan knows the problems Managala facing. He knows Lasantha’s story. Like Dayan many decapitated chickens(I do not want to mention the names) are scared to go to UNP. So the crossing path is only one way road. But, Dayasri made a mistake. He corrected his mistake by returning to his master. Now he has saved his life even though there are some blame that he plotted against the master.
aratai / January 14, 2014
VP became Sun God to many Tamils – for opposing and fighting Indians.
MaRa is the King of Kings to many Sinhalese – for opposing and challenging the West.
It’s sad that even many PhD holders fall into these traps by their so called leaders.
Minisa / January 15, 2014
Dr.Dayan you want to say that MR is unbeatable at any cost. Do you have further expectations to be reappointed as an ambassador? you are addressing educated community for the election. Isn’t it so?
cyril / January 16, 2014
The crisis of Sri Lanka is the crisis of the totality of political leaderships. To reduce this crisis to the crisis of the opposition leadership alone is one-sided and undialectical.